Source of this article - Los Angeles Times, December 15, 2006
By Bettina Boxall, Times Staff WriterIf ever there was a Congress in which Republicans were positioned to remake the
nation's environmental laws, it was the 109th. But by the time the session ended
last week, the GOP's environmental agenda had been largely thwarted.
Whether it was rewriting the Endangered Species Act, opening up most of
the nation's coastline to oil and gas drilling, or selling off public lands in
the West, Republicans failed to enact a range of ambitious proposals.
"It
was the best chance for Republican-shaped initiatives for as long we can
remember," said Daniel Kemmis, senior fellow at the Center for the Rocky
Mountain West at the University of Montana.
Republicans began the
session with majorities in both chambers, a sympathetic president, and a
tough-talking property rights champion in charge of a key environmental
committee.
That they went home empty-handed, Kemmis and others say, is
testament to a changing, greening West; the pitfalls of overreaching; and an
emerging alliance between environmentalists and a traditional GOP base, hunters
and anglers.
"The so-called hook-and-bullet constituency has become more
concerned about protecting public lands, protecting open space in general. I
don't think that's going to change," he said.
Though Republicans came
close to opening up Alaska's Arctic National Wildlife Refuge to oil drilling,
the goal eluded them.
Ben Lieberman of the conservative Heritage
Foundation called it "quite striking" that the legislation died despite
$3-a-gallon gasoline, an oilman in the White House and growing public support.
The GOP expanded oil drilling in the Gulf of Mexico but did not muster enough
votes to lift a long-standing federal ban on new oil and gas drilling off much
of the nation's coastline.
"I just don't think the Republicans made the
case that these changes could be made in an environmentally friendly way and in
a way that would make a real difference at the pump or in terms of electricity
prices," Lieberman said.
A proposal by House Resources Committee Chairman
Richard W. Pombo (R-Tracy) to slash royalty payments on oil shale production on
federal land died. So too did a House-passed bill that would have restricted
environmental reviews of salvage logging to remove dead or dying trees in
national forests.
Legislation tying the designation of new federal
wilderness areas in Utah and Idaho to the sale of public lands for development
never reached Bush's desk. The administration proposal to raise money for a
rural schools program by selling off national forest parcels was scrapped in the
face of congressional opposition.
And Pombo's legislation to overhaul the
Endangered Species Act, requiring the government to pay property owners if the
law restricted their land use, was blocked in the Senate by moderate Republican
Lincoln Chafee of Rhode Island.
Neither Pombo nor Chafee will return to
the Capitol to continue their duel, as both were defeated in the midterm
election.
As House resources chairman, Pombo, a passionate foe of the
Endangered Species Act and a defender of property rights, was in a key position
to advance his agenda. But his reputation for anti-environmental rhetoric made
the seven-term incumbent a polarizing figure.
"I think anything Pombo did
would have been perceived as overreaching because people expected his committee
to gut the ESA. But I really don't see his bill as overreaching," said Terry
Anderson, a senior fellow at Stanford University's Hoover Institution. "I think
it was in large part a dose of what conservative conservation would be
about."
Pombo also talked of revamping another pillar of environmental
law, the National Environmental Policy Act. That effort never made it out of
committee.
"It's really hard to get controversial bills passed; it takes
a long time," mused Myron Ebell, an energy expert with the Competitive
Enterprise Institute, a pro-market group.
Wilderness Society Executive
Vice President Don Barry, an Interior Department official under the Clinton
administration, said the GOP had its own boldness to blame for the string of
defeats.
He cited the Bush administration's proposal to auction national
forest parcels. The idea inflamed sportsmen groups concerned about losing access
to public land and was eventually disowned by even conservative Republican
senators in the West.
"I think it was a huge miscalculation," Barry said.
"They found the hunting and fishing community just totally in revolt. It blew up
in their faces, and the next thing you know, you have people like [Montana GOP
Sen.] Conrad Burns denouncing it."
The GOP won passage of forest thinning
legislation in 2003, and made a variety of other gains, though most of them
resulted from the Bush administration's use of executive power.
The
administration revoked a ban on snowmobiles in Yellowstone National Park;
expedited oil and gas drilling on western federal lands, including areas
nominated for wilderness protection; and rewrote air pollution regulations at
the oil industry's request. It also dropped a Clinton-era road-building ban in
national forest backcountry, although that move was recently overturned by a
federal judge.
The interior West has traditionally been a stronghold of
anti-government sentiment favoring development of public lands. But the
political landscape is shifting as newcomers migrate from the coasts, more
Democrats get elected, and local economies diversify beyond ranching, mining and
logging.
"There's been a maturing of political perspective in this part
of the world," Kemmis said. "Some of it comes from new people moving in. But a
lot of it just has to do with an awareness that the economy has changed. And if
you're going to protect the economic viability of your community, you've got to
be looking at protecting open spaces and protecting ecosystems. I think that is
the deeper transformation."
Such thinking helped win last-minute passage
of measures stopping new energy leasing on more than 400,000 acres on the
eastern slope of the Rocky Mountains in Montana, as well as barring oil drilling
and mining in northern New Mexico's Valle Vidal, an area popular among hunters
and anglers.
If the Republicans hurt their interests by pushing for too
much in the last session, therein lies a lesson for the Democrats, said Richard
M. Frank, executive director of the California Center for Environmental Law
& Policy at UC Berkeley.
"It is the middle on which either end of the
political spectrum has to focus in actually getting any legislation of this type
done," Frank said. "Only the future will tell if they'll be any more successful
in developing that kind of consensus."